The UK Armed Forces Minister, Luke Pollard, has confirmed that the government is actively pursuing plans to expand its hybrid capabilities at sea, including the protection of undersea cables, with particular emphasis on leveraging successful foreign models and greater industrial involvement.
Speaking before the House of Commons Defence Committee on 25 March, Pollard highlighted the importance of the RFA Proteus in defending subsea infrastructure—an increasingly critical domain in the so-called “grey zone” between peace and conflict.
“We do [need more assets], and that was the original plan. RFA Proteus was supposed to be one of two ships when originally planned by the last Government,” he said, suggesting that the current fleet may be expanded.
The Minister also pointed to Norway’s model of involving private industry in cable protection as a possible blueprint for the UK. “The Norwegian model, where industry takes a much bigger role in the protection of critical undersea infrastructure that they are responsible for, is also something that we are looking at,” said Pollard.
“There is a real opportunity, as we deepen our defence relationship with Norway, that it is not just about mil-to-mil engagement.”
Derek Twigg MP pressed the minister to clarify whether this shift implied both more defence assets and a greater expectation on industry. Pollard confirmed: “When we are looking at a whole-of-society approach, there are some really good models… There is a lot to learn from their offshore industries that could really benefit us.”
Committee Chair Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi concluded the session by expressing appreciation for the work of RFA Proteus and its sister ship RFA Stirling Castle. He also thanked the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) for its critical role in safeguarding the UK from cyber threats, noting that the UK remains the third most targeted nation globally.
Dhesi used the closing moments to seek the Minister’s cooperation on classified briefings regarding sensitive operations. “I wanted to ask, on behalf of the Committee, if we could have your undertaking for classified or, in particular, secret briefings on, for example, Operation Kindred or Operation Hirst,” he said.
Pollard agreed, replying: “I would be really happy to. We want to create a deeper relationship between Parliament and the MOD. With this group, without phones, I am absolutely happy having those conversations.”
The discussion comes amid heightened concern over grey zone activity, including hybrid threats targeting undersea infrastructure, misinformation campaigns, and cyberattacks. The UK has increased investment in platforms like the RFA Proteus in recent times as part of a broader strategy to counter state-based threats below the threshold of armed conflict.
I really don’t see why monitoring cables would not be done by industry. Why is the Royal Navy expending millions guarding cables owned by google and other tax dodgers.
Perhaps a similar set up to fisheries where the Royal Navy is paid by DEFRA to run the fisheries protection squadron may be suitable. Perhaps Ireland and US internet companies can chip in to the fund.
You may, obliquely have hit on something there…
A hypothecated sea asset tax that is spent on defending there assets.
The Tangerine Toddler would struggle to object to that.
Or even ‘those assets’
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Same reason the government funds every aspect of defence-they are protecting the assets that they have an interest in protecting because the consequences of them being damaged/destroyed are unacceptable.
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Mainly because of how vital these cables are. If they were cut then utter chaos would ensue.
But also, if private industry monitored the cables, what do you expect them to be able to do if a Russian ship starts cutting or sabotaging them? They’ll have nothing that can actually stop them. They could call HMG or the MoD and a Royal Navy ship sent out, but it’d take too long.
RN can monitor and react if needed. Private industry might be able to monitor but they’re completely helpless to react if Russia did start playing silly buggers with those cables.
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There were meant to be 4 MCM Mother vessels and a second MROSS.
Awaiting HMG to get on with it.
Awaiting HMG is the standard now, decision making seems to be a real problem add NMH, RCH155, GBAD, T32, MRSS and other projects. There doesn’t seem to be any urgency considering even current programs are mostly looking at 2030 onwards for FOC.
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Interesting to see Stirling Castle mentioned as it has gone very quiet about her – crewing difficulties if I remember rightly?
I’ve been thinking about the state of our naval defences in the event of a USN draw down or even withdrawal from the Eastern Atlantic and it is not a nice thought train to be honest. The RN has been shrunk to a dangerously low level, the excuses were ‘greater efficiency’ and part of an alliance – NATO. Well efficiency is a political smoke screen for cuts and NATO, well that has taken a serious kicking from with in over the last 2 to 3 months. Don’t get me wrong I think the Americans have a reasonable point when it comes to Europe paying its way in the Defence of Europe and I include the UK in that. I guess the diplomatic approach hasn’t really worked over the years but the timing couldn’t have been worse and the signalling over Ukraine just suggests to Putin he can do whatever the heck he feels like, sort of.
As an example of the issues on the maritime flank, eNATO currently has about 10 SSN – 5 French and 5 British. Take 1 of each out of the equation for protection of each country’s deterrent boat and you have 8 remaining. Then there are those that would be in deep maintenance, in the case of the French boats possibly being refueled, that’s 2 or 3 boats unavailable under normal circumstances. Then there will be a couple of boats undergoing routine maintenance and crew rest periods, leaving 3 or 4 boats available for ASW work in the GIUK gap. That is a very thin blue line.
Of course if the UK and or France have their Carrier Strike Groups out and about there will likely to 1 or 2 boats deployed to keep them safe as well. LEaving just 1 or 2 boats to go hunting in the GIUK gap! That is hardly likely to be good enough to stop the Russians getting at least some of their SSN and SSGN prepositioned in the North Atlantic and it ertainly isn’t going to deter Putin. I wouldn’t want to be a merchant seaman bobbing about in the North Atlantic under those circumstances as eNATO’s surface fleet is also pretty thin on the ocean waves.
2.5% of GDP by 2027, really..?
If we are to have an even slim chance to deter Russia, possibly supported by one or more of the CRINK nations, then we need to signal our intent to rapidly expand the RN and RAF to guard eNATO’s maritime flank. Taking out options on more frigates, say 4x T26 and a few T31, would be a good start as well as signalling to industry that the RN is going to get much bigger and time future contracts will depend on industry stepping up and investing. For example, the original plan for a frigate factory on the Clyde was for it to go to Scotstoun, not Govan. So assuming the original plan could still be enacted a second Clydeside frigate factory is possible so T26 prodution could and should be significantly stepped up in the short to medium term, especially if we land the Norwegian order. T31 could also be stepped up as there appeared to be room at Rosyth for an expansion in capacity as well. Extra capacity would need to allow the T83 to be built along side the T26 and T31. We really are going to need a much bigger navy…
There is much else that could be accelerated and increased or at least signaled that an increase is coming soon. Intent is an integral part of deterrence and we need to signal our intent – it is after all the easiest thing to do – implementation will take the time and money, signaling will send a message to Russia and industry…
Cheers CR