Defence Industry Leaders Call for Faster Procurement, Greater SME Involvement, and Stronger NATO Collaboration.
Leaders from the UK defence industry have called for significant reforms to procurement processes, greater SME participation, and increased NATO-led standardisation in an evidence session before the Defence Select Committee on 4 March 2025.
The session, part of the Committee’s ongoing inquiry into the UK’s contribution to European security, explored challenges facing British defence manufacturing, industrial cooperation with European partners, and the role of NATO in aggregating defence capacity.
MPs asked the industry leaders what single priority they wanted from the upcoming Defence Industrial Strategy (DIS).
Andrew Kinniburgh, Director General of Make UK Defence, said that the creation of an SME hub within the MOD was a positive step, but it must now be backed by binding targets for MOD and prime contractors to spend a percentage of their procurement budgets on SMEs.
“We need hard, regulated percentage spend on SMEs for the MOD and the primes, with no wriggling out of it. We should be following the US Department of Defense model, where 25% of DoD spending goes directly to SMEs, and 30% of prime contractor spending is with SMEs,” Kinniburgh said.
Julian David, CEO of techUK, stressed the need to change how defence spending is allocated, arguing that the current focus on long-term hardware procurement needs to shift towards flexible, software-driven capabilities.
“We are going to spend a lot more money, but we need to spend it differently. Stop specifying to the nth degree what you think you’ll need in 20 years’ time,” David said.
Meanwhile, Kevin Craven, Chief Executive of ADS, emphasised that effective implementation was the key to ensuring the success of the Defence Industrial Strategy.
“A few years ago, DSIS had some very sensible suggestions, the majority of which were not implemented. An industrial strategy that we carry out and follow with rigour would be game-changing,” Craven stated.
MPs also questioned the witnesses on how NATO could better support the UK’s defence industry and improve European security cooperation.
Kinniburgh pointed to pilot training as an example of where NATO-wide collaboration could deliver massive cost savings and efficiency gains.
“The UK MOD alone is spending £50 million a year outsourcing fast jet pilot training because there’s no availability of Hawk jets at RAF Valley. We’re sending dozens of pilots to the US, Italy and elsewhere,” he said.
He suggested that NATO establish a shared training fleet using a single aircraft model across multiple nations, reducing costs and ensuring standardisation.
“A UK company, Aeralis, has developed an advanced jet trainer. NATO could step in and say, ‘We are going to provide a NATO-wide resource for fast jet training, using the same jet across multiple nations.’ The RAF and other countries wouldn’t need to own them; they could just contract for availability,” Kinniburgh explained.
Julian David called for greater interoperability and standardisation across NATO, particularly in munitions and weapons platforms.
“At the end of the Cold War, the only two things that were common across NATO were diesel and 105mm ammunition. That’s ridiculous. There needs to be a real effort to address supply chain challenges and increase standardisation,” he said.
David also urged NATO to move towards a ‘willing partners’ approach, where countries ready to collaborate could push ahead without waiting for slower-moving members.
“If NATO operates at the pace of the slowest participant, we’re going to repeat past mistakes. We need to work with willing partners like France, Germany, and Poland who understand the scale of this challenge,” he argued.
Craven added that major defence programmes should be procured at a NATO-wide level, reducing costs for individual nations.
“At the start of the Ukraine war, there were 13 different variants of 155mm shells across Europe. That’s madness. We’ve since reduced that number, but there’s still a long way to go,” Craven said.
MPs raised concerns over the UK’s exclusion from EU defence projects and whether better access to European defence initiatives was necessary for industrial collaboration.
Kinniburgh pointed to AUKUS as a model for deeper cooperation without formal EU structures.
“We’ve seen with AUKUS that three countries—Australia, the UK, and the US—have created a framework for technology sharing, visa exemptions, and streamlined export controls. A similar model could be applied in Europe,” he suggested.
David and Craven agreed that the UK needs closer ties with European defence institutions, even if full EU membership remains off the table.
“We represent 22% of the European defence market. European industrialists want us involved. We need a political mechanism to bridge the gap,” Craven said.
David added that Germany’s incoming Chancellor had already called for a closer defence relationship with the UK, presenting an opportunity for new agreements.
“We need professional skills recognition, faster movement of people, and much smoother supply chains. Horizon research collaboration is a good example of what can be achieved,” he said.
The Committee also explored the long-term prospect of a unified European defence industrial base, given the inefficiencies of multiple nations designing and procuring their own weapons systems.
David noted that the US successfully coordinates defence production across its federal states, and Europe could follow a similar model.
“The US states compete for defence contracts but still maintain a unified equipment base. Europe should move in that direction,” he said.
Kinniburgh pointed to the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP)—a joint UK-Italy-Japan project to build a new fighter jet—as a missed opportunity for broader European collaboration.
“Why are we competing with France and Germany to build a sixth-generation fighter? It’s madness. We should be working together,” he said.
Mike Martin MP suggested that Europe needed to rationalise its defence production, citing the excessive variety of rifles, tanks, and armoured vehicles across NATO nations.
“It’s a bit of a nonsense that every European country has a different rifle, tank, or infantry fighting vehicle. We need a structured approach where different nations specialise in producing specific equipment,” he said.
Kinniburgh agreed, adding that Germany has essentially become the UK’s supplier for armoured vehicles, raising the question of what the UK gets in return.
“We’ve outsourced armoured vehicle design and production to Germany. Where’s the quid pro quo?” he asked.
Kinniburgh has a point re Germany and where is the quid pro quo.
A shame that the brilliant Challenger and Warrior never gained much in exports, so our manufacturing excellence were allowed to wither and die as Germany hoovered up sales
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In not sure if this guy realises that Japan is not in Europe and GCAP/FCAS is not a missed opportunity for European collaboration. Europes been collaborating on aircraft for half a century.
As for a joint NATO anything I’m not sure if he realises but for NATO assets to be used it requires the unanimous consent of all 32 members. If we get in a shooting war and want to expand our use of training assets we would be giving Turkey and Hungary veto power.
It’s assholes like this guy that got us into the over reliance on Allie’s problem we have today. Looking at more and more scale to paper over the unsustainable costs base and that scale can only be achieved by bringing in more and more countries to fill his coffers.
We spend £60 billion a year and that’s rising fast. That’s an unbelievably large sum of money to defend a smaller chain of islands off the European coast and the North Atlantic.
We need a military with zero points of failure where no other country gets a veto or what we do or don’t do.
“We need a military with zero points of failure where no other country gets a veto or what we do or don’t do.”
The contact with real world continue to be thin here. UK has no industrial capacity and population know how to do everything related to defence.
I disagree, we are better positioned than almost anyone else, GCAP being the best example, ISTARI being another. We just need a reset in outlook. Stop looking at the world through a US lead coalition prism because it no longer exists. Start looking at being Europes leader because we need to. We not a world power we just happen to be the biggest regional power in the most important region.
We are a world power, as defined by pretty much every parameter..we are NOT a superpower, one of our “identity ” issues that because in living memory we were a superpower..we tend to reject the notion that we are still actually a world power.
Sorry, but you are neither the biggest nor the most important regional power in Europe.
The UK is the most important regional power in the British Isles.
If you talk about the defense industry, it’s France.
If you talk about the economy and potential, it’s Germany.
If you talk about will, it’s Poland.
If you talk about politics, again it’s France/Germany, and I would say even Poland.
If you talk about strategic position, it’s either Spain/France/Italy/Greece for the south, or Eastern Europe.
Even for the north, the UK is a mere second line for Europe.
To be honest, the simple fact that the UK is not in the EU anymore makes you lose a lot of essential points for being the “biggest regional power” in Europe.
I have never seen anyone who thinks more like Napoleon than you do.
How on Earth is Greece in one of the most strategic positions?
They have a complete rabble of countries to their north, their main opponent is to their east across a sea covered in difficult-to-defend islands and their entire access to the rest of the world is controlled by foreign and occasionally hostile governments.
I won’t even discuss Eastern Europe, that’s just ridiculous.
The UK has excellent access to the entire North and South Atlantics, the Baltic, and has a controlling position over the GIUK gap and the English Channel. We are separated from disasters in Europe by the Channel and have plenty of deep water ports around our coastline.
Again, politics. Both France and Germany are repeatedly hamstrung by minority governments reliant on focus issue parties to control their parliaments, and are therefore unable to consider certain directions. The UK ‘tends’ not to have such parties and so governments have more independence in their decision making.
Yes, France have a powerful defence industry, but they have a very protectionist system and so aren’t as appealing to European customers who want to pick and choose in their purchases.
I disagree with the idea of broader cooperation regarding GCAP. No problem with exporting it, but the more countries you have wanting a piece of the design/build cake, the greater the chance that the final design will not be truly fit for purpose, the greater the chance of delays, and the greater the chance that France will pull out at the last minute and decide to build their own version
I’m all for cooperation, but we should never again allow our basic defences like our nuclear deterrent to become beholden to any single country. As was pointed out we can’t even fire our domestically built cruise missiles without US permission because some bright spark thought we could save a few quid using US terrain maps.
It’s already the case with the US.
Complete bollox
Another interesting piece of writing there Dave👍 any chance you can actually give an opinion or two on any subject I’m sure it would make riveting reading.
🤣