Is it time to rethink the special relationship?

In a 13 March op-ed for UK Defence Journal, I asked: ‘What next for the UK–US special relationship?’ Given recent events, the more pressing question now is whether it is time to rethink it.

Since then, President Trump’s open and repeated criticism of the UK has continued. He has moved from saying he does not need the Royal Navy, or other allied ships, to help open the Strait of Hormuz, to requesting support, before subsequently dismissing British aircraft carriers as ‘toys’.

The President has also threatened to walk away, saying what happens in the Gulf doesn’t affect the US and others can sort out his mess. He continues to denigrate the sacrifices of the UK and allies in Afghanistan and Iraq.

But it is not only him. His closest advisers, including the Vice President, Secretary of Defence/War and Secretary of State, do the same. All also continue to perpetuate lies about NATO and how allies have never come to the support of the US.

Anyone who knows their history knows that is patently untrue. The only time NATO’s Article 5 has ever been invoked has been by the United States after 9/11. The US didn’t come to the UK’s (and Israel’s, incidentally) support in Suez (leaving aside the legitimacy of that conflict as well). There are valid questions about US support for the UK during the Falklands War (certainly the US Ambassador to the UN, Jeane Kirkpatrick, did everything she could to support Argentina).

At the same time, the President has lifted oil embargoes on Russia and Iran (the country they are at war with!!!). Logic, reason, good sense, and support for allies do not seem to be characteristics of this administration. And it is going to take a long time for the US to win back what it has lost in a heartbeat.

And it is notable that those in UK politics and on social media who were screaming the loudest, demanding that the UK support the US in a conflict we were not consulted about and do not agree on the legality of, have now gone somewhat quiet. That is unsurprising, as the economic impacts of the conflict are really beginning to hurt the UK. Oil, petrol, gas and electricity prices are on an upward spiral. But things have the potential to get much worse.

If this conflict continues, food prices are also on an upward curve. Farmers I know in the UK are already making clear that this will be a result not only of the increase in fuel and energy, but also of the increase in fertiliser prices. Things have the potential to get much, much worse. All as a result of the decisions of the US and Israel, apparently without any real plan or thought of the longer term.

But what of the Special Relationship?

As I said in my previous piece: ‘In reality, there have been questions around the nature and strength of the “Special Relationship” for many years, from many US administrations. Some of those are good questions focused on the UK’s unwillingness to spend on defence or step up on the right occasions. So, let’s not believe these questions are new ones.’

When I was working on Iraq, there were occasions when folks in the State Department and Department of Defense questioned the UK’s ability or commitment to that conflict. They would often talk about what we did (or didn’t, in their view, do in Basra). That led to some fairly heated discussions (which I was part of) about the UK ‘cutting and running’. So let’s not get too starry-eyed about this relationship.

Maybe all we are seeing now is a more brutal and open explanation of what many in the US think, and have thought for some time: that the Special Relationship is only special to the US if we do what they want, and that UK concerns play very much second fiddle.

Maybe President Trump and those around him have done us a favour by making so clear the disdain in the US system for the UK.

Disdain which is not wholly unfair.

The UK slashed defence spending at the end of the Cold War to ensure there was a ‘peace dividend’. Despite claims from governments ever since, our combat ability on land, sea and in the air is significantly less than it was even 10 years ago.

We do not spend enough on defence because, in many ways, it is unpopular with an electorate that wants to see better social services and a better NHS, for example. And successive UK governments have prioritised such spending over defence spending, comfortable in the fact that the US would always pick up the slack.

That cosy little belief has been blown out of the water by the Trump administration.

But, as I say, maybe they have done us a favour. Maybe it is time for us to get the message that if we want to be taken seriously, we need to act seriously and spend to develop some real capabilities. To maybe realise that our future lies with Europe on defence, not an unreliable and untrustworthy US.

Brexit has also weakened us financially, economically and politically. One of the key aspects of the Special Relationship was the fact that both the US and mainland Europe saw us as a bridge and conduit to the other. We voluntarily removed that and therefore reduced our value, especially to the US.

Time for us to therefore accept that our relationship with the US is no different to that of any country, figure out what we are going to do with our European neighbours, who are closer to us now in terms of values, and up our defence spending. The Special Relationship is little more than words under this administration. Let’s accept that and figure out what we do next.

This article is the opinion of the author and not necessarily that of the UK Defence Journal. If you would like to submit your own article on this topic or any other, please see our submission guidelines